Young Adulthood as a Transitional Legal Category Science Social Change and Justice Policy

For example, the data sources used in the Healthy People 2020 core indicators for adolescent and young adult health use the following age groups for young adults: 18-24, 18-21, 22-24, 20-24 and 21-24 years (HHS, 2012). Recognizing this lack of attention to the young adult as a distinct stage of life in policy and research, the Health Resources and Services Administration and the Office of the Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, The Annie E. Casey Foundation and the U.S. Department of Defense commissioned the Institute of Medicine (IOM) and the National Research Council of Canada (NRC) to review and summarize what is known about the health, safety and well-being of young adults and make policy and research recommendations. To address this charge, IOM and NRC have appointed the Committee for Improving the Health, Safety and Welfare of Young Adults, which comes from the public and private sectors and has expertise in the areas of public health, health care, behavioral health, social services, human development, psychology, neuroscience, demography, justice and law. Sociology, economics, family studies, media and communication. The Committee`s full terms of reference can be found in Box 1-1 and the biographies of the Committee members can be found in Appendix D. This section explains the use of key terms in this report and makes some brief observations on how the Committee approached its work. Chapter 2 provides a broader introduction to the report, including background information and key findings and their impact on policies and programmes. Some of the variables used as indicators for the LCA classification procedure are simple dichotomous elements based on responses to individual survey questions. However, as noted above, the practical relevance of the study is enhanced by the use of indicators, which should be readily available in the files or for those familiar with the individual case.

Another potential criticism is that indicators may not accurately reflect circumstances at the time of transition, as indicators often aggregate cumulative experiences (e.g., class maintenance, placement stability). However, social processes that sort individuals according to opportunities for higher education, employment, housing, and family education often involve selection based on history, so these indicators reflect a balance sheet that can influence opportunities during the transition to adulthood. Marginalized young adults are young adults who exhibit traits that put them at risk of poor outcomes in early adulthood. Young adults who may be marginalized include those living in poverty, children of low-income immigrants, those aging after foster care, those in the justice system, persons with disabilities, those who have dropped out of school, and those who are responsible for raising young children. Our use of this term is based on the concept of social exclusion, a concept that refers to the economic, social, political and cultural marginalization that certain groups of people experience as a result of social forces such as poverty, discrimination, violence and trauma, disenfranchisement and dislocation (Daly and Silver, 2008; Mathiesen et al., 2008; Sen, 2000). The commitment to social inclusion is based on the belief that a democratic society benefits from the full participation of all its members in the affairs of the community. Examining marginalized populations through this lens helps shift attention from the individual`s difficulties or limitations to how society describes and treats them. To focus on social inclusion, it is necessary to identify measures that exclude certain groups from full participation in society and to develop measures that improve opportunities for full participation. We believe that social exclusion is a useful perspective to see how policies contribute to or improve the relatively poor outcomes of the groups of young people we focus on here. Young adulthood, aged 18 to 26.1, is a time of transition in life when youth are traditionally expected to become financially independent, romantic and parent, and take on responsible roles as productive and engaged members of the community. From a developmental perspective, early adulthood is characterized by a period of normal and predictable biological and psychological maturation, but the specific social roles and expected tasks of each cohort of young adults are determined by the characteristics of the respective society at a particular point in history.

In today`s American society, young adulthood is characterized by a great heterogeneity of transition experiences, with considerable variability in the timing, order, and content of social roles and tasks. This article attempts to advance discussions on the potential impact of recent neuroscientific, psychological and sociological research on young adults on justice policy. In doing so, we stress the importance of not exaggerating empirical results or their political relevance. The available research does not suggest that people between the ages of eighteen and twenty are indistinguishable from younger teens in terms of characteristics relevant to crime and punishment. Therefore, for both scientific and pragmatic reasons, we are sceptical about the proposal of some proponents to categorically extend jurisdiction over juvenile courts to twenty-one years. But research suggests that young adults, like teens, are more inclined to take risks and act more impulsively than older adults in ways that are likely to influence their criminal behavior. In addition, prison reform is justified because young adult offenders, such as young adult offenders who are not delinquents and young offenders, are more likely to become productive members of society if they are given the necessary tools to do so at a critical stage of their development. The Committee`s work is part of a rich intellectual and scientific tradition of understanding and studying the evolution of trajectories over the course of life, as described below. In addition, several recent federal initiatives reflect emerging efforts to focus research and policy development on the diverse skills, vulnerabilities and needs of young adults (see Text box 1-2). This report aims to build on these efforts, with a particular focus on the health and well-being of young adults. The ages of 18 and 26 are arbitrary markers of the developmental boundaries and social transitions that define young adulthood. The shift of markers to 16 and 30 would include a wider range of individual variations.

All areas of public policy in the United States are burdened by inequalities in outcomes related to race and ethnicity and the challenges of eliminating those inequalities. In this report, the Committee describes differences in educational outcomes, employment, health and health care, and participation in social service programs. However, further targeted efforts are needed to produce in-depth analyses of the causes and consequences of disparities in each of these policy areas and to develop detailed strategies to address them among young adults. A related issue directly related to the Committee`s mission is the impact of prejudice and discrimination on the health and well-being of young adults. This topic is briefly discussed in Chapter 2 in the context of observations on the increasing diversity of American life and the prospects for eliminating prejudice and discrimination based on race and ethnicity. Annex B discusses this issue in more detail, but the Committee is convinced that it alone warrants further consideration. The courts alone cannot meet the needs of aspiring adults. As Justice Leos said: “This is a community problem, so we need a community solution. As young adult courts in San Francisco, Albuquerque and other jurisdictions show promising results, communities should focus on building a continuum of care that extends beyond the walls of the courthouse. Aspiring adults should receive support resources before and after attending court. Young adult courts should be reserved for those with the highest risk and need, as programs are resource-intensive and offer not only a higher level of case management and support, but also additional time before the courts.

Court leaders can use their power to bring community stakeholders together, build a common understanding of the unique needs of future adults, and work together to strengthen community infrastructure to effectively meet those needs. Class 4 may represent a relatively small and atypical subset of adolescents living in foster care. A large majority of study participants living in kinship foster families are members of Class 2, the competent and connected group. This is consistent with previous research that adolescents in kinship care have more skills and fewer behavioural problems than their counterparts in the care of non-relatives (Keller et al. 2001). Further research may provide explanations for the differences observed between the profiles of persons with disabilities and homebound persons and their competent and related counterparts. Current analysis suggests that such an explanation may be associated with varying incentives for nurses to train and gain work experience. The apparent lack of preparation for adulthood among Class 4 members can be partially alleviated if their extended family is willing and able to continue caring for them. Given that these young people have close family ties and parental responsibilities, the child welfare system may need to take into account the nature of these young people`s education and employment expectations, as well as the degree of importance placed on these young people, in order to encourage them to become more self-reliant.